The speed of modern life has increased dramatically in recent decades, and faster is almost always better. But, is that true when it comes to your own thoughts? In two experiments, reported in Psychological Science, scientists manipulated participants’ thought speeds and assessed their appetites for risk. In the first experiment, three dozen students read aloud at different speeds — twice their normal speed or half their normal speed. Then, each student played a computer-simulated game that required them to blow air into a balloon without popping it. Students were rewarded with five cents each time he or she pumped air into the balloon, but lost money each time the balloon popped. The students who had read quickly were more willing to take risks with the balloon (and the money), attempting and achieving more pumps, but also popping more balloons than the students who had read slowly.

In a second experiment, 52 students watched fast-, medium-, or slow-paced movie clips that contained similar content. The students who watched the fast-paced clips reported a greater intention to engage in real-world risky behaviors, including unprotected sex and illegal drug use. Those students were also more likely to minimize the danger associated with each risky behavior.

Previous studies have shown a link between life in the fast-thinking lane and mood. Experimentally accelerated thought is achieved through instructions to brainstorm freely, exposure to multiple ideas, encouragement to plagiarize others’ ideas, performance of easy cognitive tasks, narration of a silent video in fast-forward, and controlled reading speed. Regardless of the types of thoughts that were induced (money-making schemes, word choice, or feelings of depression or elation), individuals demonstrated an increased positive affect after thinking quickly. Increased speed of thought also amplified feelings of power, creativity, and energy, and inflated self-esteem.

Researchers attribute these findings to the subjective experience of thought speed and the joy-enhancing effects of fast thinking. Likewise, thinking slowly is, apparently, a killjoy.

The need for speed is undeniable today’s fast and furious world. But, at what cost? Are we riskier because we are always thinking faster? Or are we happier? Will letting the brain stop and smell the roses decrease our desire to take risks, or will we just become depressed? Human thought is the product of an integrated, sophisticated network that involves neurons, sensory input, and the brain. Speed is fundamental to the thought process, but it is not the only determinant of effectiveness. Efficiency, timing, and appropriateness must be balanced with speed to keep us safe and running smoothly in whatever lane of life’s highway we choose.

References

Chandler JJ, & Pronin E (2012). Fast thought speed induces risk taking. Psychological science, 23 (4), 370-4 PMID: 22395129

Pronin E, Jacobs E, & Wegner DM (2008). Psychological effects of thought acceleration. Emotion (Washington, D.C.), 8 (5), 597-612 PMID: 18837610

Pronin E, & Wegner DM (2006). Manic thinking: independent effects of thought speed and thought content on mood. Psychological science, 17 (9), 807-13 PMID: 16984299

Image via fotomak / Shutterstock.

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Sixty years ago, research into the effects of psychedelic drugs was accepted — and, dare I say, frequent — among certain institutions and researchers. But, with the rise in the recreational use of drugs and the growth of the anti-drug campaigns, all that was brought to an end by the 1970s. Now, a generation later, scientists are slowly re-opening those doors to find new ways to treat terminally ill patients, who often have paralyzing, debilitating fears about their own mortality.

A study in the Archives of General Psychiatry reported, in 2011, that psilocybin — the active component of magic mushrooms — was safe and effective at reducing anxiety and depression about death when given to terminally ill cancer patients. The psilocybin lead to decreased anxiety and depression for months after the treatment, though it is not clear how the effects lasted so long.

The research is all part of a larger effort to study the effects of psychedelic drugs under rigorous controlled, scientific processes. MDMA (also known as Ecstasy) has been shown to be effective for severe post traumatic stress disorder and LSD can reduce symptoms of chronic cluster headaches. Psychedelic drugs have also been evaluated in treating addictions, including alcoholism.

Scientists have not identified the precise mechanism of action of psychedelics in anxiety and depression yet, but the effects are probably related to an “unrestrained consciousness” that allows patients to be introspective and a disassociation of sensation and perception. Also, the drugs may deactivate the parts of the brain that are overactive in anxiety and depression, according to functional MRI studies. Further, since the treatments are all administered in a controlled, safe environment, and patients know the expectations and desired outcomes ahead of time, the patients are able to balance experiencing emotions that they would otherwise be unable to face.

Anecdotally, the small numbers of patients who have taken these psychedelic trips report positive outcomes. But, a handful of patients does not make a sufficient scientific sample, especially when it comes to illegal and illicit drugs. While most people — healthcare providers and the lay public – would argue that more can be done to ease end-of-life suffering, both physical and emotional, many would stop short of advocating psychedelic drugs. Arguably, the risk of causing long-term health effects or producing a new drug addict is negligible under these circumstances. And, under these circumstances, there is no risk of contaminated street drugs or pushy drug dealers that terminally ill patients have to contend with. But, that does not mean the drugs should appear in our mainstream armamentarium of anti-anxiety and antidepressant drugs.

Currently, psychedelic and hallucination-inspiring drugs are classified as Schedule I controlled substances by the FDA, meaning that they have no medicinal use and cannot be prescribed or dispensed in the United States. If this were to change, it could open the door to the misuse and abuse of very dangerous drugs. More research into how and why these drugs produce their effects could help scientists develop similar, safer compounds to treat patients with serious conditions refractory to other therapies, but we’re a long way from the Brave New World that Aldous Huxley wanted in which psychedelic experiences are part of our mainstream culture.

References

Bouso JC, Doblin R, Farré M, Alcázar MA, & Gómez-Jarabo G (2008). MDMA-assisted psychotherapy using low doses in a small sample of women with chronic posttraumatic stress disorder. Journal of psychoactive drugs, 40 (3), 225-36 PMID: 19004414

Carhart-Harris RL, Erritzoe D, Williams T, Stone JM, Reed LJ, Colasanti A, Tyacke RJ, Leech R, Malizia AL, Murphy K, Hobden P, Evans J, Feilding A, Wise RG, & Nutt DJ (2012). Neural correlates of the psychedelic state as determined by fMRI studies with psilocybin. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America, 109 (6), 2138-43 PMID: 22308440

Grob CS, Danforth AL, Chopra GS, Hagerty M, McKay CR, Halberstadt AL, & Greer GR (2011). Pilot study of psilocybin treatment for anxiety in patients with advanced-stage cancer. Archives of general psychiatry, 68 (1), 71-8 PMID: 20819978

Johansen PØ, & Krebs TS (2009). How could MDMA (ecstasy) help anxiety disorders? A neurobiological rationale. Journal of psychopharmacology (Oxford, England), 23 (4), 389-91 PMID: 19273493

Mithoefer MC, Wagner MT, Mithoefer AT, Jerome L, & Doblin R (2011). The safety and efficacy of {+/-}3,4-methylenedioxymethamphetamine-assisted psychotherapy in subjects with chronic, treatment-resistant posttraumatic stress disorder: the first randomized controlled pilot study. Journal of psychopharmacology (Oxford, England), 25 (4), 439-52 PMID: 20643699

Slater L. How psychedelic drugs can help patients face death. NY Times. April 20, 2012.

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The study, published online by PLoS One, examined the eating habits of 70 pairs of female strangers sharing dinner in a lab setting made to look like a restaurant. The authors observed the meal and assigned codes to each bite taken, noting whether it was within 5 seconds of the other woman’s bite. (“Mimicked bites” were those that were taken within 5 seconds of each other, and “nonmimicked bites” were those taken outside of the 5-second window.) Overall, both women mimicked each other, meaning they were more likely to take a bite along with their eating companion, rather than eat at their own pace. However, the mimicry was more prominent at the beginning of the meal than at the end. The authors hypothesize that the women were trying to be agreeable and make a good first impression, and eating at the same pace puts people at ease.

The authors claim that this type of behavioral mimicry accounts for social modeling associated with food intake. Taken one step further, they hypothesize that surrounding yourself with people who eat a lot will lead you to eat more, and surrounding yourself with people who limit food intake will influence you to eat less. But, the experiment involved only a small sample of a limited demographic. And, it was conducted in a lab setting and involved pairs of strangers. It is impossible to say if these findings translate at all to the real world. Do friends and family have the same influence on eating? Maybe the women were just hungry, so they kept eating. Or, maybe, since they were strangers, they didn’t have anything to talk about at the beginning of the meal.

Social settings and cultural beliefs certainly influence food intake and overall dietary habits, and overweight and obesity does appear to occur within families and social networks. Unhealthy eating habits and low levels of physical activity are influence by friends, as early as childhood, and it makes sense to surround yourself with people who have the same lifestyle habits and interests as you. But, plenty more factors influence our decisions about eating than just the people we eat with.

Is it better to under-eat and be disagreeable or over-eat and make a good first impression? Decide for yourself how much you want to eat and eat that much. If your eating companion doesn’t find you agreeable, so be it.

References

Hermans RC, Larsen JK, Herman CP, & Engels RC (2012). How much should I eat? Situational norms affect young women’s food intake during meal time. The British journal of nutrition, 107 (4), 588-94 PMID: 21733296

Hermans RC, Lichtwarck-Aschoff A, Bevelander KE, Herman CP, Larsen JK, & Engels RC (2012). Mimicry of food intake: the dynamic interplay between eating companions. PloS one, 7 (2) PMID: 22312438

Salvy SJ, de la Haye K, Bowker JC, & Hermans RC (2012). Influence of peers and friends on children’s and adolescents’ eating and activity behaviors. Physiology & behavior PMID: 22480733

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A new study, published in Consciousness and Cognition, claims that moderate alcohol consumption improves problem-solving abilities. The authors of the study evaluated the problem solving skills of 40 men: 20 who has been given enough beer to reach a blood alcohol level of 0.075 and 20 who had received no alcohol prior to the test. The problem-solving skills were tested using the Remote Associates Test, in which participants are provided 3 words and asked to think of a fourth that fits the pattern. (“Memory” goes with “elephant-lapse-vivid”; “Book” goes with “shelf-end-read.”)

Surprisingly, the men who drank beer first solved 40% more problems than their sober counterparts. They also finished the tests faster (12 seconds vs. 15.5 seconds).

At the blood alcohol levels reached in this study, working memory is impaired, as is reaction time, judgment, balance, speech, and vision. However, creativity and innovation may be improved. The authors claim that “thinking outside the box” might occur more easily when people are slightly distracted and not focused, like when they’ve had a few drinks. Sometimes, the most creative juices flow when people stop over-thinking and they are relaxed and unfocused.

This study does not claim that people with problems to solve should head to the pub; heavy alcohol consumption does impose serious long-term social, physical, and psychological consequences. But, moderate alcohol consumption might actually have some benefits. Several studies have recently evaluated the protective effects of alcohol on cognition, especially in the elderly. Though the mechanisms are unclear, low to moderate alcohol consumption over the course of one’s life appears to protect against cognitive decline and dementia and provide cardiovascular benefits. (Listen up, teetotalers!)

Research has yet to conclude that imbibing an alcoholic beverage makes you funnier, better looking, and a superior dancer. (Your friends will have to be the judge.)

References

Bartley PC, & Rezvani AH (2012). Alcohol and Cognition – Consideration of Age of Initiation, Usage Patterns and Gender: A Brief Review. Current drug abuse reviews PMID: 22455507

Jarosz AF, Colflesh GJ, & Wiley J (2012). Uncorking the muse: alcohol intoxication facilitates creative problem solving. Consciousness and cognition, 21 (1), 487-93 PMID: 22285424

Kim JW, Lee DY, Lee BC, Jung MH, Kim H, Choi YS, & Choi IG (2012). Alcohol and cognition in the elderly: a review. Psychiatry investigation, 9 (1), 8-16 PMID: 22396679

Panza F, Frisardi V, Seripa D, Logroscino G, Santamato A, Imbimbo BP, Scafato E, Pilotto A, & Solfrizzi V (2012). Alcohol consumption in mild cognitive impairment and dementia: harmful or neuroprotective? International journal of geriatric psychiatry PMID: 22396249

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A new study, published in the American Journal of Epidemiology, evaluates the economic conditions and suicide rates in New York City over the last 3 decades. The authors evaluated levels of economic activity and the volatility of the New York Stock Exchange, as well as all suicides among New York City residents, between 1990 and 2006. Overall, during the study period, there were nearly 8100 suicides. The rate of suicide declined from 8.1 per 100,000 residents in 1990 to 4.8 per 100,000 in 1999; it remained relatively stable through 2006.

There was a negative association between economic activity and rates of suicide, and suicides were highest when economic activity was at its lowest. Suicide rates varied according to gender, age, race, and sociodemographic status, and most of the association with economic activity was attributed to suicides of older, white males. This group accounted for more suicides during economic downturns than other demographic groups. Stock market volatility was not associated with changes in suicide rates, but, the authors report that this may be due to the small sample size of people invested in the stock market.

Every year, around the world, approximately 1 million people take their own lives. Nearly all of these people have pre-existing psychiatric morbidity, but other factors influence the decision to commit suicide: genetics, stressful life events, access to means of committing suicide, and poor health. Suicide rates are highly variable, however, at population and individual levels. From a broader, population-based perspective, changes in suicide rates have been attributed to stressors that occur within populations, including economic instability. The term “econocide” has recently been coined by psychologists to explain this phenomenon.

Economic recessions and financial troubles are associated with decreased physical and psychological health and increased mortality, and, throughout history, suicides have increased during recessions and economic downturns. (Suicide rates during the Great Depression peaked when the gross domestic product in the United States was at its lowest point.) And, suicide rates are historically highest among impoverished and unemployed people. However, there is a lack of data showing low rates of suicide at times of economic prosperity.

The new study concludes that macroeconomic forces influence mental health, but a causative factor is not identified. Perhaps, economic struggles limit the resources available for mental health services or individuals with underlying conditions might be more likely to experience job loss or unemployment during these periods. Ultimately, the decision to commit suicide is multifaceted and one measure of economic activity in one city cannot explain the choice entirely.

The current study does not include data from the most recent economic recession, and it does not include individual economic status as a confounder of the suicide rate. (Were the older, white males failed Wall Street tycoons or elderly men living on a fixed income?) A bad economy likely brings out the worst in people – physically, mentally, and emotionally – and no one is immune to its strain. Disgraced financial executives might not be killing themselves in the streets today – they have congressional hearings and country club prisons to go to – but suicide prevention services should be directed toward those at highest risk, even at the worst of economic times.

References

Hawton K, Harriss L, Hodder K, Simkin S, & Gunnell D (2001). The influence of the economic and social environment on deliberate self-harm and suicide: an ecological and person-based study. Psychological medicine, 31 (5), 827-36 PMID: 11459380

Nandi A, Prescott MR, Cerdá M, Vlahov D, Tardiff KJ, & Galea S (2012). Economic conditions and suicide rates in New York City. American journal of epidemiology, 175 (6), 527-35 PMID: 22362583

Rehkopf DH, & Buka SL (2006). The association between suicide and the socio-economic characteristics of geographical areas: a systematic review. Psychological medicine, 36 (2), 145-57 PMID: 16420711

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The authors of a new study, published in the American Journal of Epidemiology, evaluated the religious involvement and mental health of three separate cohorts of individuals, totaling more than 2000 people, living in Rhode Island. The average age was 37 years old; most of the study participants were Caucasian and had a Catholic upbringing. More than 90% of the participants reported religious involvement as a child, but only half reported the same as adults. Slightly more than one-quarter of the participants received a diagnosis of major depression at some point in their life, with one-third of these receiving the diagnosis during childhood or adolescence.

Overall, women with a diagnosis of major depression before 18 years of age were significantly more likely to stop attending religious services as an adult than women with no diagnosis of major depression or a diagnosis after the age of 18. There were no significant associations between religious involvement and men.

Religious involvement changes over the course of one’s lifetime, but most data still points to any religious involvement as protective against depression and other mental illnesses across both genders and all age groups.

The authors of the current study believe that the robust claims of a protective effect between religion and depression may be owed to the fact that people with depression drop out of religious involvement, thus skewing the data of those that remain involved. Two potential cause-and-effect scenarios are presented that might explain the results. First, religious involvement leads to positive social support and healthy behaviors, which leads to a decreased risk of depression. Alternatively, at the onset of depression, people begin to experience negative emotions and interactions with religious activities and feelings of alienation and guilt, which leads to a decreased involvement in religious activities altogether. (Dropping out of previously positive and pleasurable activities — religious or not — is an independent indicator of depression.)  This selection out of religion, the authors believe, contributes to the previously reported correlations between religion and mental health.

The authors end the manuscript with a discussion of the limitations of the study and a call for future long-term research into this issue. My question is, Why? Do they want depressed people to stay in church so the association between religion and mental health is proved false? Do they want non-depressed people to stop attending church, since there are no supposed health benefits? Neither is plausible or realistic, and the results of any future study will not contribute to changing patterns of religious attendance.

People don’t attend church because of the health benefits. If you feel good about your spiritual life, you probably feel good about your physical life, but there are plenty of church-goers with mental and physical health issues. And, just as many non-goers who are pictures of health. Religious involvement is a personal decision and reducing its explanation to a single measurement of depression is dangerous from a statistical and spiritual point of view.

References

Jacobs M, Miller L, Wickramaratne P, Gameroff M, & Weissman MM (2012). Family religion and psychopathology in children of depressed mothers: ten-year follow-up. Journal of affective disorders, 136 (3), 320-7 PMID: 22177740

Maselko J, & Buka S (2008). Religious activity and lifetime prevalence of psychiatric disorder. Social psychiatry and psychiatric epidemiology, 43 (1), 18-24 PMID: 17960316

Maselko J, Gilman SE, & Buka S (2009). Religious service attendance and spiritual well-being are differentially associated with risk of major depression. Psychological medicine, 39 (6), 1009-17 PMID: 18834554

Maselko J, Hayward RD, Hanlon A, Buka S, & Meador K (2012). Religious service attendance and major depression: a case of reverse causality? American journal of epidemiology, 175 (6), 576-83 PMID: 22350581

Miller L, Wickramaratne P, Gameroff MJ, Sage M, Tenke CE, & Weissman MM (2012). Religiosity and major depression in adults at high risk: a ten-year prospective study. The American journal of psychiatry, 169 (1), 89-94 PMID: 21865527

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Between 1999 and 2004, researchers evaluated the diets of nearly 1000 men and women. Their average age was 57 years, more than two-thirds of the group was male, and more than three-quarters was Caucasian. None of the participants had cholesterol extremes, diabetes, heart disease, or cancer at the time of enrollment. The average daily consumption of trans fatty acids reported by the participants was 3.49 grams.  Validated behavioral questionnaires were used to collect information regarding impatience, irritability, and aggression toward self, others, and objects. The study is available online at PLoS One.

Overall, participants who consumed more trans fats had higher scores on each adverse behavior measured. The association was true for both genders, all age groups, and all ethnic groups. The associations were stronger between trans fats and adverse behaviors than any other factor, including lifestyle and alcohol intake.

Trans fatty acids are also known as unsaturated fatty acids. They occur rarely in nature, though certain kinds are found in milk and meat from cows. In general, trans fats are the result of food production and are prevalent in snack foods, fast foods, fried foods, and commercially-prepared baked goods. Trans fatty acids, whether naturally or artificially produced, have essentially no nutritional value and are not necessary for human health. In the commercial food industry, trans fats provide a longer shelf-life for products.

Currently, most fast food sandwiches contain less than 2 grams of trans fat, but increasing regulation and public attention has significantly decreased the amount of trans fat used in the food industry. Prior to 2006, a fast food sandwich likely contained up to 10 grams of trans fat. According to labeling requirements, a product can be listed as containing “0” trans fats if its content is less than 0.5 g per serving; foods labeled as trans-fat free may still contain 0.49 grams per serving.

Trans fats have long been associated with cardiovascular disease, high cholesterol, metabolic dysfunction, insulin resistance, inflammation, obesity, and decreased general health. A link between trans fats and depression has also been reported, as well as decreased learning and memory.

The current study was observational and used only subjective dietary and behavioral recall to assess associations between the two, rather than objective data. It is unclear if there is a cause-and-effect relationship between trans fat and behavior, or if trans fat consumption is simply a marker for an unhealthy lifestyle that predisposes and individual to making adverse behavioral choices.

Also, the study was conducted prior to changes in regulation and public awareness regarding trans fats in the food industry. The individuals may not have the same dietary intake of fat today. However, the study serves as one more reminder of the dangers of processed foods. Attempts to limit trans fatty acid intake — either through regulation or personal choice — have far-reaching personal and public health benefits.

References

Collison KS, Makhoul NJ, Inglis A, Al-Johi M, Zaidi MZ, Maqbool Z, Saleh SM, Bakheet R, Mondreal R, Al-Rabiah R, Shoukri M, Milgram NW, & Al-Mohanna FA (2010). Dietary trans-fat combined with monosodium glutamate induces dyslipidemia and impairs spatial memory. Physiology & behavior, 99 (3), 334-42 PMID: 19945473

Golomb BA, Evans MA, White HL, & Dimsdale JE (2012). Trans fat consumption and aggression. PloS one, 7 (3) PMID: 22403632

Mozaffarian D, Aro A, & Willett WC (2009). Health effects of trans-fatty acids: experimental and observational evidence. European journal of clinical nutrition, 63 Suppl 2 PMID: 19424218

Mozaffarian D, Jacobson MF, & Greenstein JS (2010). Food reformulations to reduce trans fatty acids. The New England journal of medicine, 362 (21), 2037-9 PMID: 20505187

Teegala SM, Willett WC, & Mozaffarian D (2009). Consumption and health effects of trans fatty acids: a review. Journal of AOAC International, 92 (5), 1250-7 PMID: 19916363

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Recently, the American Journal of Public Health published a study linking mortgage delinquency and depressive symptoms in older Americans. The researchers used data from the Health and Retirement Study, a longitudinal survey of a nationally-representative sample of adults over 50 years old, to assess changes in health and health-related resources associated with mortgage delinquency over a 2-year period at the height of the housing crisis (2006-2008). Changes in health included incidence of depressive symptoms and major declines in self-reported overall health, and changes in health-related resources included access to affordable food and prescription medications.

Overall, individuals who fell behind on their mortgage payments were more than 8 times more likely to develop depressive symptoms, 7.5 times more likely to experience food insecurity, and nearly 9 times more likely to experience cost-related medication nonadherence than those who did not fall behind on payments. Notably, the mortgage-delinquent group of homeowners had worse health status at baseline, but the results accounted for this difference between the groups.

Home ownership is a sign of wealth and material resources and is associated with better health. Alternatively, financial strain is associated with worse health and higher mortality. These associations are due to several mechanisms: psychological stress, disrupted access to resources such as food and health care, and interruption of social ties and support systems. The implications to psychosocial well-being caused by a mortgage default or foreclosure are believed to be more substantial than other types of financial stress.

Previous studies of mortgage failures reported that individuals in foreclosure had higher rates of depression, hypertension, and heart disease and a higher prevalence of cost-related health care and medication nonadherence. Though, it is not clear if foreclosure causes poor health status or poor health is a risk factor for mortgage-related difficulties. In some studies, homeowners with existing health problems reported being forced to choose between paying medical bills, including prescription drug costs, and their mortgage at the height of financial strain.

The health outcomes in the current study have important implications for older adults, since each predicts further health declines and worse overall outcomes to major illnesses and health conditions. The impairments in physical functioning, social functioning, and employability worsen the cycle of financial strain. Not only are millions of Americans without safe and affordable housing now, millions of Americans are also at risk for or experiencing mental and physical health issues — a significant disadvantage to getting the country back on a healthy economic track.

While the study only addressed older Americans, the results are likely applicable to anyone facing mortgage foreclosure. It would be no surprise if losing one’s home resulted in psychosocial and physical stress. Homeowners in default of their mortgages are a group at high-risk for declines in health, and the authors of the current study assert that these homeowners may benefit from coordinated, affordable health services that includes mental health counseling along with financial counseling services.

References

Alley DE, Lloyd J, Pagán JA, Pollack CE, Shardell M, & Cannuscio C (2011). Mortgage delinquency and changes in access to health resources and depressive symptoms in a nationally representative cohort of Americans older than 50 years. American journal of public health, 101 (12), 2293-8 PMID: 22021301

Cannuscio CC, Alley DE, Pagán JA, Soldo B, Krasny S, Shardell M, Asch DA, & Lipman TH (2011). Housing strain, mortgage foreclosure, and health. Nursing outlook PMID: 22000689

Pollack CE, Kurd SK, Livshits A, Weiner M, & Lynch J (2011). A case-control study of home foreclosure, health conditions, and health care utilization. Journal of urban health : bulletin of the New York Academy of Medicine, 88 (3), 469-78 PMID: 21491152

Pollack, C., & Lynch, J. (2009). Health Status of People Undergoing Foreclosure in the Philadelphia Region American Journal of Public Health, 99 (10), 1833-1839 DOI: 10.2105/AJPH.2009.161380

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The premise of the entire phenomenon is that people lie, cheat, and steal more often than they want to admit. Even seemingly inconsequential behaviors test our moral and ethical boundaries: taking too many items to the express lane at the grocery store, bringing home extra pens or paper from the office’s supply closet, or inflating business expenses for reimbursement. (How many times have you done something like this, but still get annoyed when other people do it?)

Everyone wants to maintain a positive self-image — both publicly and privately. Sometimes, maintaining this image requires self-deception by ignoring one’s own wrong behavior. If one cannot distance themselves from the behavior, he or she may adjust his or her own ethical standards to accommodate for the behavior or justify the action with rationalizations.

Together, all of these ostensibly normal traits of human nature blur the criteria for judging what is right and wrong — both in one’s self and in others. In the case of the “pot calling the kettle black,” people cannot deny their own misconduct or unethical failure, presenting an inconsistency between their own moral values and their action. The authors of the recent study report that, instead of behaving more ethically and rectifying the behavior, people judge others even more harshly and present themselves as even more virtuous and ethical.

While an interesting read from a theoretical point of view, this research only clarifies what we already intuitively understand as part of our social reality. We see this phenomenon everyday — at work, running errands, driving — and in every profession — politics, health care, business.

So, what are the pot and the kettle to do about it? Maybe not much. The concept of denying and distancing one’s self from his own wrongdoings is an attempt to save one’s positive image – a deep-seated (and possibly neural-based) need to appear honest and principled to the rest of society: a moral survival of the appearing-to-be fittest. Thus, the pot will likely never become a moral change-agent, but he will continue to call out kettles around the world for all major and minor moral transgressions — color-related and otherwise.

References

Barkan R, Ayal S, Gino F, & Ariely D (2012). The Pot Calling the Kettle Black: Distancing Response to Ethical Dissonance. Journal of experimental psychology. General PMID: 22409664

Stacey G, Johnston K, Stickley T, & Diamond B (2011). How do nurses cope when values and practice conflict? Nursing times, 107 (5), 20-3 PMID: 21473313

Tjeltveit AC, & Gottlieb MC (2010). Avoiding the road to ethical disaster: Overcoming vulnerabilities and developing resilience. Psychotherapy (Chicago, Ill.), 47 (1), 98-110 PMID: 22402004

van Veen V, Krug MK, Schooler JW, & Carter CS (2009). Neural activity predicts attitude change in cognitive dissonance. Nature neuroscience, 12 (11), 1469-74 PMID: 19759538

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The authors of the study conducted a longitudinal review of electronic medical records from a health system in rural Pennsylvania. They examined more than 10,500 patients who received sleeping pill prescriptions, along with nearly 24,000 matched controls. The average age of subjects was 54 years, and they were followed for an average of 2.5 years between 2002 and 2007. Medications taken for sleep included older sedatives and hypnotics, such as benzodiazepines, barbiturates, and antihistamines, and newer non-benzodiazepines, such as zolpidem, eszopiclone, and zaleplon.

The raw data report that the death rate for all sleeping pill users was nearly 5 times as high as the death rate among controls. After adjusting for lifestyle, age, gender, marital status, body mass index, race, and other confounding factors and health conditions, the death rate was still more than 4.5 times higher among sleeping pill users.

When divided into groups based on the number of sleeping pills consumed, the death rate showed a dose-response relationship. That is, the lowest third of sleeping pill consumption (0.4 to 18 doses per year) showed a death rate that was 3.6 times higher than controls; the middle third of consumption (18 to 132 doses per year) showed a death rate that was 4.43 times higher; and the top third of consumption (more than 132 doses per year) showed a death rate that was 5.32 times higher.

Further, the middle third of consumption exhibited a 20% increase in the risk of a new major cancer and the top third exhibited a 35% increase. The risks of lymphomas and lung, colon, and prostate cancers among people who used sleeping pills were higher than the risks among current smokers.

The authors ruled out the possibility that the increased risks of death and cancer were due to pre-existing conditions, but the mechanism by which sleeping pills increase morbidity and mortality are unclear. Possibly, the association may occur due to the use of sleeping pills in combination with alcohol or other drugs, increased levels of depression and suicide associated with insomnia, increased risks of accidents and falls, increased sleep apnea, and night eating syndromes.

Owing to the nature of the study, researchers were unable to verify if the sleeping pills prescribed were actually consumed. They were also unable to account for the possibility that people without prescriptions for sleeping pills took over-the-counter sleep aids or sleeping pills prescribed to other individuals.

Insomnia is a difficult clinical entity; it is complex to diagnose and complex to treat. Most sleep complaints involve difficulty falling asleep, difficulty staying asleep, and not feeling well-rested upon awakening — all of which lead to professional and social consequences, preventing individuals from performing activities of daily living and work-related tasks. Insomnia may be acute or chronic in nature and is often attributable to anxiety or stress, inadequate sleep hygiene, the use of other medications or substances, or a medical condition.

Medications should not be the first line of defense against sleep-related ills, and a complete evaluation should include an investigation of the precipitating and perpetuating factors related to insomnia. Cognitive-behavioral therapy is often an effective tool to teach sleep hygiene, relaxation techniques, and other cognitive restructuring techniques to aid in sleep. Pharmacological management of insomnia poses risks of drug interactions, memory disorders, daytime drowsiness, falls and accidents, and dependence and withdrawal symptoms.

No sleep aids are intended for long-term daily use, and the risks associated with their use are downplayed by the soft music and floating butterflies in the consumer advertising for newer, presumed-to-be-safer, sleeping pills. As a let-the-sleeper-beware caution, the study raises important concerns about the costs of a good night’s sleep and the use of even infrequent doses of sleeping pills.

References

Kripke DF, Langer RD, & Kline LE (2012). Hypnotics’ association with mortality or cancer: a matched cohort study. BMJ open, 2 (1) PMID: 22371848

Pinto Jr LR, Alves RC, Caixeta E, Fontenelle JA, Bacellar A, Poyares D, Aloe F, Rizzo G, Minhoto G, Bittencourt LR, Ataide L Jr, Assis M, Pradella-Hallinan M, Pinto MC, Rodrigues RN, Hasan R, Fonseca R, & Tavares S (2010). New guidelines for diagnosis and treatment of insomnia. Arquivos de neuro-psiquiatria, 68 (4), 666-75 PMID: 20730332

(2008). Sleep complaints: Whenever possible, avoid the use of sleeping pills. Prescrire international, 17 (97), 206-12 PMID: 19536941

Image via kavring / Shutterstock.

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The current edition of the manual, the DSM-IV, excludes bereavement from the diagnosis of major depression, recognizing that symptoms that look like depression are a normal part of human emotion and behavior following the death of a loved one. However, the bereavement exclusion is expected to be removed from the DSM-V, which is scheduled for publication in May 2013. If this is the case, anyone experiencing normal symptoms of grief two weeks after the loss of a loved one can be diagnosed with and treated for depression.

Many clinicians and experts are weighing in on the exclusion — both for and against — citing research, clinical practice, and personal experience. An editorial in a recent edition of the Lancet cautions that eliminating the bereavement exclusion will medicalize grief and legitimize treatment with antidepressants, which the author believes is diagnostically simplistic and flawed, citing a lack of evidence for effectively treating bereaved people with antidepressants. The Lancet does support the APA’s claim that bereavement is associated with adverse health outcomes, but mostly in individuals who are already at risk for developing depression or whose normal, acute grief progresses to chronic, complicated grief. The same edition of the Lancet includes poignant and moving essays from clinicians describing their own personal experiences with grief and bereavement.

On the other side of the argument, the February edition of World Psychiatry includes an editorial in support of eliminating the bereavement exclusion from the DSM-V. First, the author notes that the DSM-IV does not totally exclude bereavement from the diagnosis of depression, it simply changes the threshold for diagnosis, requiring longer symptom duration, more substantial functional impairment, and the presence of specific symptoms. This approach reduces the likelihood of false positive diagnoses of major depression and avoids the trivialization of a mental disorder, according to the editorial. Several studies evaluating the similarities and differences in bereavement-related depression and depression related to other life events support the claim that there is no significant difference in characteristics of the two classifications, and that bereavement should be noted in the diagnosis of depression, but bereavement should not affect treatment.

Everyone experiences grief differently, and the grief associated with bereavement is shaped by the strength of relationship with the person who died, gender, religious beliefs, cultural context, and societal expectations. It is a necessary response to the loss of a loved one and part of the human experience. Normally, grief does not require medical intervention. But, in some cases, acute grief can morph into chronic, debilitating grief consistent with a major depressive disorder. Bereavement, and any other major life event or catastrophe, can act as a stressor and trigger the onset or worsening of physical and mental disorders. Regardless of the revised DSM-V criteria, clinicians should take caution to avoid under- and over-diagnosing depression in bereaved individuals and include compassion and empathy as the cornerstone of effective therapy.

References

Corruble E, Falissard B, & Gorwood P (2011). Is DSM-IV bereavement exclusion for major depression relevant to treatment response? A case-control, prospective study. The Journal of clinical psychiatry, 72 (7), 898-902 PMID: 21208577

Kendler KS, Myers J, & Zisook S (2008). Does bereavement-related major depression differ from major depression associated with other stressful life events? The American journal of psychiatry, 165 (11), 1449-55 PMID: 18708488

The Lancet, . (2012). Living with grief The Lancet, 379 (9816) DOI: 10.1016/S0140-6736(12)60248-7

Maj M (2012). Bereavement-related depression in the DSM-5 and ICD-11. World psychiatry : official journal of the World Psychiatric Association (WPA), 11 (1), 1-2 PMID: 22294995

Shear MK, Simon N, Wall M, Zisook S, Neimeyer R, Duan N, Reynolds C, Lebowitz B, Sung S, Ghesquiere A, Gorscak B, Clayton P, Ito M, Nakajima S, Konishi T, Melhem N, Meert K, Schiff M, O’Connor MF, First M, Sareen J, Bolton J, Skritskaya N, Mancini AD, & Keshaviah A (2011). Complicated grief and related bereavement issues for DSM-5. Depression and anxiety, 28 (2), 103-17 PMID: 21284063

Image via Joe Gough / Shutterstock.

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It is well known that major depressive disorders increase the risk of cardiovascular morbidity and mortality. Dysfunctional autonomic control of the cardiovascular system is likely one cause of this relationship, but the true cause-and-effect of the association with depression is unknown. Poor recovery after exercise is indicative of dysfunctional autonomic control, and, recently, the first study examining the relationship between depression and post-exercise recovery was published.

The study, published in Psychophysiology, subjected nearly 900 patients to an exercise stress test. Heart rate, systolic blood pressure, and diastolic blood pressure were measured at rest, peak exercise, 1 minute post-exercise, and 5 minutes post-exercise. Patients with a major depressive disorder had slower heart rate recovery than patients without depression, indicating slow parasympathetic recovery from exercise and dysfunctional autonomic control in depressed individuals.

A similar, but smaller, study also revealed that symptoms of depression were negatively correlated to heart rate recovery after exercise. Further, an extensive analysis of physical fitness in individuals with depression indicated that peak oxygen consumption, maximum workload, and individual anaerobic threshold were significantly decreased in depressed patients, indicative of poor overall fitness. In the same study, heart rate recovery was significantly prolonged in depressed individuals, again pointing to autonomic dysfunction and an elevated cardiac risk profile.

Depression has long been associated with an increased risk of death in patients with cardiovascular disease, but the mechanism has not been clearly defined. Many clinicians believe it is the high levels of inactivity, obesity, anxiety, and insomnia that contribute to poor cardiovascular health. But, these studies reveal that the association between depression and heart health are not solely attributable to such external factors.

The benefits of activity in depression are not in question; increased physical fitness alleviates symptoms of depression, and improves overall health and well-being. Just how much and how hard people with depression should exercise is debatable, but exercise programs to decrease the specific cardiovascular risks in these individuals should be encouraged.

References

Boettger S, Wetzig F, Puta C, Donath L, Müller HJ, Gabriel HH, & Bär KJ (2009). Physical fitness and heart rate recovery are decreased in major depressive disorder. Psychosomatic medicine, 71 (5), 519-23 PMID: 19414614

Gordon JL, Ditto B, Lavoie KL, Pelletier R, Campbell TS, Arsenault A, & Bacon SL (2011). The effect of major depression on postexercise cardiovascular recovery. Psychophysiology, 48 (11), 1605-10 PMID: 21806634

Hughes JW, York KM, Li Q, Freedland KE, Carney RM, & Sheps DS (2008). Depressive symptoms predict heart rate recovery after exercise treadmill testing in patients with coronary artery disease: results from the Psychophysiological Investigation of Myocardial Ischemia study. Psychosomatic medicine, 70 (4), 456-60 PMID: 18434491

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Hi. My name is John Q Public and I’m addicted to social media. All together now: Hi, John.

Seem far-fetched? Maybe not, according to new research that claims social media is more addictive than cigarettes or alcohol.

A team of researchers, led by a professor at Chicago University’s Booth Business School, evaluated the cravings and desires of more than 200 adults in and around the city of Wurtzburg, Germany. The study participants carried Blackberrys that were called seven times during a 14-hour period each day for a week. At each call, participants responded back with a message stating what (if any) desire or craving they had experienced in the last 30 minutes, what type it was, the strength of the desire (from mild to irresistible), whether it conflicted with other desires, and whether they gave in to the desire. Replying to the study questions was not included as a desire, and the Blackberrys could not be used for anything other than study-related messaging. In total, the researchers recorded 10,558 responses and 7827 cravings.

Desires for sleep and leisure time were the most problematic urges, suggesting a natural inclination to rest and relax during a full day of work and other responsibilities. Self-control was highest early in the day, but, as the day progressed, participants were less able to resist their desires; the highest failure rate of self-control was related to social media. Resisting the desire to work also exhibited a high failure rate, likely due to the fact that resisting work conflicts with other goals and has penalties and consequences if work-related duties are not fulfilled.

The participants were most likely to resist urges to play sports, engage in sexual activities, and spend money. Surprisingly, the strength of desires for tobacco, alcohol, and coffee (typically known as addictive substances) were relatively low among the participants.

One hypothesis is that people who use social media view it as an activity that does not cost very much, in terms of time or money, which contrasts other activities, including alcohol and tobacco use. Further, the high availability of social media tends to make it harder to resist. The study will be published in the journal Psychological Science.

A related study may provide more insight into the “why” of social media desires and addictions. Researchers at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and universities in Milan, Italy discovered psychophysiological patterns associated with social networking sites that are indicative of a positive affective state. Social networking users experienced emotional responses similar to those experienced when an individual plays a musical instrument or engages in another creative activity. The authors claim that the findings support a “broaden-and-build” theory of positive emotions, in which positive emotions promote new and creative activities, which, in turn, build an individual’s intellectual, physical and social resources; the resources then aid the individual in coping and survival skills.

Technology should improve quality of life, and the quality of the experience should guide the design, development, and evaluation of new technology. Ostensibly, with nearly one billion users worldwide and a $5 billion IPO for Facebook, social media meets its mark. But, at what cost?

References

Meikle J. Twitter is harder to resist than cigarettes and alcohol, study finds. TheGuardian.com. 3 February 2012.

Mauri M, Cipresso P, Balgera A, Villamira M, & Riva G (2011). Why is Facebook so successful? Psychophysiological measures describe a core flow state while using Facebook. Cyberpsychology, behavior and social networking, 14 (12), 723-31 PMID: 21879884

Riva G, Baños RM, Botella C, Wiederhold BK, & Gaggioli A (2012). Positive technology: using interactive technologies to promote positive functioning. Cyberpsychology, behavior and social networking, 15 (2), 69-77 PMID: 22149077

Image via 1000 Words / Shutterstock.

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To evaluate intelligence in small group settings, researchers recruited 68 adults at two academic centers in Texas and California. The study participants were each introduced to each other and then divided into groups of five to be administered standard IQ tests. First, the participants took written IQ tests to establish a baseline of intelligence. (The average IQ for the entire group was 126, well above the average of 100 for the general population in the United States.) The participants were not given any results or feedback regarding this first test. Following the written test, each participant took a computerized IQ test. After each set of questions, the participants were told how their answers ranked them within their small group.

Initially, everyone’s performance declined on the computerized IQ test upon hearing their rankings. The social status information provided enough mental interference or anxiety to cause a decrease in intellectual performance. The surprising finding was that women experienced a more pronounced decrease in performance than men. Of the 13 highest scores on the computerized IQ test, 10 belonged to men; 11 of the lowest scores belonged to women.

A subset of participants was able to overcome this anxiety to achieve normal or increased intellectual performance. Brain scans obtained during the tests revealed that these individuals had less activity in the amygdala (an area normally activated by stress and anxiety) compared with poorer performers. Additionally, the high performers had increased activity in the right lateral prefrontal cortex (an area associated with working memory that normally shuts down during stress). Scans also showed that the nucleus accumbens (an area associated with pleasure and reward) was involved in individuals’ reactions to getting questions right or wrong, in much the same way that individuals respond to money, praise, or other social rewards. These results do not uncover a cause of the decreased intellectual performance associated with small group participation, but they do highlight the neural basis of intelligence and the integration of perception, attention, language, memory, reasoning, and learning.

According to the authors, the results indicate that women are more sensitive to negative stereotypes about gender than men, which caused stress during intellectual tasks. Many studies of gender stereotypes have indicated similar phenomena. A stereotype is seen as a threat that individuals’ actions or other peoples’ judgments will further contribute to the negative stereotype, causing fear and stress during tasks. The resulting decreased performance, especially intellectually, triggers a devaluation of one’s self, a lack of identification with school, and poor decision making, which leads to a cycle of poor academic performance, poor career advancement, and economic disadvantages.

Group membership and participation have dramatic effects on individuals’ actions and beliefs – some good and some bad. Accordingly, the authors of the current study report that the expression of IQ can be modulated by implicit or explicit cues about social status within a group. Many similar studies have shown that societal-level stereotypes are harmful to intellectual performance, particularly in women. The extent to which these effects are significant in real-world settings is unclear, but stereotypes of small and large groups likely act as performance-based barriers. For now, the real question remains unanswered: how can individuals overcome the negative influences of social status and group membership? (Just don’t form a small group to figure out the answer.)

References

Carr PB, & Steele CM (2010). Stereotype threat affects financial decision making. Psychological science, 21 (10), 1411-6 PMID: 20855899

Colom R, Karama S, Jung RE, & Haier RJ (2010). Human intelligence and brain networks. Dialogues in clinical neuroscience, 12 (4), 489-501 PMID: 21319494

Kishida KT, Yang D, Quartz KH, Quartz SR, & Montague PR (2012). Implicit signals in small group settings and their impact on the expression of cognitive capacity and associated brain responses. Philosophical transactions of the Royal Society of London. Series B, Biological sciences, 367 (1589), 704-16 PMID: 22271786

Steele CM (1997). A threat in the air. How stereotypes shape intellectual identity and performance. The American psychologist, 52 (6), 613-29 PMID: 9174398

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Neuromarketing is loosely described as the use of neuroscience methodologies to understand human behavior related to markets and market exchanges. Really, it’s just a new way to sell more stuff. As a marketing method, neuromarketing is a relatively secretive practice. It is unclear how many industry members actually solicit and use neuromarketing data and to what extent. However, the practice of using electroencephalogram (EEG), magnetoencephalogram (MEG), and functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) techniques began more than a decade ago with partnerships between academic researchers and the marketing industry.

Psychiatry and related medical fields have long used EEG, MEG, fMRI, and related technologies to better understand the human brain and the underpinnings of emotion and social interaction. Neuromarketing, however, has brought these technologies into our daily lives to search for brain-based explanations to routine activities and exchanges. To some critics, the “real-world” applications of neuroscience are beginning to alter the perception of personal identity, responsibility, causation, intellectual discourse, and decision-making skills.

Neuromarketing has been used to evaluate which television commercials will be remembered, which soft drink purchasers prefer, which politician has the most enduring message, and which movies consumers will see. With limited neuromarketing data available publicly, it is unclear if these research techniques provide better or more cost-effective data than traditional marketing research methods, but it does provide a whole new spin on traditional focus groups.

While proponents of the methodology view neuromarketing as an extension of pure research science that quantifies and clarifies consumer preferences, opponents worry that neuromarketing carries important consequences related to the public’s trust of medicine and the ethics of academic-industrial partnerships. Still, even supporters of neuromarketing admit that the technology is not advanced enough yet to define a “buy button” in the brain, which is good news for consumers. But, what about simply promoting socially harmful or unhealthy behaviors?

Is neuromarketing the best use of science in the public interest? Is the marketing industry better able to give consumers what they want or are they manipulating human behavior? With many unanswered questions surrounding neuromarketing, the best advice is the tried-and-true: “Let the buyer beware.” Especially when it comes to your brain.

References

Ariely D, & Berns GS (2010). Neuromarketing: the hope and hype of neuroimaging in business. Nature reviews. Neuroscience, 11 (4), 284-92 PMID: 20197790

Astolfi L, De Vico Fallani F, Cincotti F, Mattia D, Bianchi L, Marciani MG, Salinari S, Colosimo A, Tocci A, Soranzo R, & Babiloni F (2008). Neural basis for brain responses to TV commercials: a high-resolution EEG study. IEEE transactions on neural systems and rehabilitation engineering : a publication of the IEEE Engineering in Medicine and Biology Society, 16 (6), 522-31 PMID: 19144584

Fisher CE, Chin L, & Klitzman R (2010). Defining neuromarketing: practices and professional challenges. Harvard review of psychiatry, 18 (4), 230-7 PMID: 20597593

Vecchiato G, Astolfi L, De Vico Fallani F, Toppi J, Aloise F, Bez F, Wei D, Kong W, Dai J, Cincotti F, Mattia D, & Babiloni F (2011). On the use of EEG or MEG brain imaging tools in neuromarketing research. Computational intelligence and neuroscience, 2011 PMID: 21960996

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